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| 个人信息 |
| 姓 名： |
夏译员 [编号]:5134 |
性 别： |
女 |
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| 擅长专业： |
电气新闻 |
出生年月： |
1991/1/1 |
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| 民 族： |
汉族 |
所在地区： |
浙江 宁波 |
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| 文化程度： |
本科 |
所学专业： |
英语 |
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| 毕业时间： |
2012 |
毕业学校： |
宁波大学科学技术学院 |
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| 第一外语： |
英语 |
等级水平： |
TEM-8 |
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| 口译等级： |
中级 |
工作经历： |
2 年 |
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| 翻译库信息 |
| 可翻译语种： |
英语 |
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| 目前所在地： |
浙江 宁波 |
| 可提供服务类型： |
笔译、口译 |
| 每周可提供服务时间： |
周一至周五晚上，周六周日 |
| 证书信息 |
| 证书名称： |
TEM-8 |
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| 获证时间： |
2012/5/1 |
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| 获得分数： |
合格 |
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| 工作经历 |
| 工作时期： |
2012/7/1--2013/8/1 |
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| 公司名称： |
乌斯坦船舶设备（宁波）有限公司 |
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| 公司性质： |
外商独资 |
| 所属行业： |
生产/加工/制造 |
| 所在部门： |
采购物流 |
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| 职位： |
进出口专业、采购助理 |
| 自我评价： |
本人在大学期间主修英语专业，成绩优异，期间对笔译产生了浓厚兴趣，曾在老师带领下翻译江北区政府对外宣传资料，参加第二十三届韩素音青年翻译大赛，修读翻译实践课程时研究BBC新闻翻译，修读旅游英语课程时翻译旅游宣传资料；同时取得英语翻译四级证书，英语专业八级证书。
自2012年毕业以来，就职于乌斯坦船舶设备（宁波）有限公司，属船舶制造业，是一家生产船舶配电板的挪威企业。当时以进出口专员一职加入公司采购物流部，负责国内物流发货，成品出口，料件进口，熟悉进出口报关、清关操作流程，能有效控制把握各个环节，处理紧急情况。之后，学习能力及工作水平得到上司认可，开始接触采购事务，参加采购培训，对物料计划，供应商选择，供应商管理，订单跟催，到货检验，不合格品处理等相关事务有了全面和细致的了解，负责公司外部客户的物料采购。
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| 笔译案例信息 |
| 案例标题： |
Are we there yet? |
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| 原文： |
Are We There Yet?
America’s recovery will be much slower than that from most recessions; but the government can help a bit.
“WHITHER goest thou, America?” That question, posed by Jack Kerouac on behalf of the Beat generation half a century ago, is the biggest uncertainty hanging over the world economy. And it reflects the foremost worry for American voters, who go to the polls for the congressional mid-term elections on November 2nd with the country’s unemployment rate stubbornly stuck at nearly one in ten. They should prepare themselves for a long, hard ride.
The most wrenching recession since the 1930s ended a year ago. But the recovery—none too powerful to begin with—slowed sharply earlier this year. GDP grew by a feeble 1.6% at an annual pace in the second quarter, and seems to have been stuck somewhere similar since. The housing market slumped after temporary tax incentives to buy a home expired. So few private jobs were being created that unemployment looked more likely to rise than fall. Fears grew over the summer that if this deceleration continued, America’s economy would slip back into recession.
Fortunately, those worries now seem exaggerated. Part of the weakness of second-quarter GDP was probably because of a temporary surge in imports from China. The latest statistics, from reasonably good retail sales in August to falling claims for unemployment benefits, point to an economy that, though still weak, is not slumping further. And history suggests that although nascent recoveries often wobble for a quarter or two, they rarely relapse into recession. For now, it is most likely that America’s economy will crawl along with growth at perhaps 2.5%: above stall speed, but far too slow to make much difference to the jobless rate.
Why, given that America usually rebounds from recession, are the prospects so bleak? That’s because most past recessions have been caused by tight monetary policy. When policy is loosened, demand rebounds. This recession was the result of a financial crisis. Recoveries after financial crises are normally weak and slow as banking systems are repaired and balance-sheets rebuilt. Typically, this period of debt reduction lasts around seven years, which means America would emerge from it in 2014. By some measures, households are reducing their debt burdens unusually fast, but even optimistic seers do not think the process is much more than half over.
Battling on the bus
America’s biggest problem is that its politicians have yet to acknowledge that the economy is in for such a long, slow haul, let alone prepare for the consequences. A few brave officials are beginning to sound warnings that the jobless rate is likely to “stay high”. But the political debate is more about assigning blame for the recession than about suggesting imaginative ways to give more oomph to the recovery.
Republicans argue that Barack Obama’s shift towards “big government” explains the economy’s weakness, and that high unemployment is proof that fiscal stimulus was a bad idea. In fact, most of the growth in government to date has been temporary and unavoidable; the longer-run growth in government is more modest, and reflects the policies of both Mr Obama and his predecessor. And the notion that high joblessness “proves” that stimulus failed is simply wrong. The mechanics of a financial bust suggest that without a fiscal boost the recession would have been much worse.
Democrats have their own class-warfare version of the blame game, in which Wall Street’s excesses caused the problem and higher taxes on high-earners are part of the solution. That is why Mr. Obama’s legislative priority before the mid-terms is to ensure that the Bush tax cuts expire at the end of this year for households earning more than $250,000 but are extended for everyone else.
This takes an unnecessary risk with the short-term recovery. America’s experience in 1937 and Japan’s in 1997 are powerful evidence that ill-timed tax rises can tip weak economies back into recession. Higher taxes at the top, along with the waning of fiscal stimulus and belt-tightening by the states, will make a weak growth rate weaker still. Less noticed is that Mr. Obama’s fiscal plan will also worsen the medium-term budget mess, by making tax cuts for the middle class permanent.
Ways to overhaul the engine
In an ideal world America would commit itself now to the medium-term tax reforms and spending cuts needed to get a grip on the budget, while leaving room to keep fiscal policy loose for the moment. But in febrile, partisan Washington that is a pipe-dream. Today’s goals can only be more modest: to nurture the weak economy, minimize uncertainty and prepare the ground for tomorrow’s fiscal debate. To that end, Congress ought to extend all the Bush tax cuts until 2013. Then they should all expire—prompting a serious fiscal overhaul, at a time when the economy is stronger.
A broader set of policies could help to work off the hangover faster. One priority is to encourage more write-downs of mortgage debt. Almost a quarter of all Americans with mortgages owe more than their houses are worth. Until that changes the vicious cycle of rising foreclosures and falling prices will continue. There are plenty of ideas on offer, from changing the bankruptcy law so that judges can restructure mortgage debt to empowering special trustees to write down loans. They all have drawbacks, but a fetid pool of underwater mortgages will, much like Japan’s loans to zombie firms, corrode the financial system and harm the recovery.
Cleaning up the housing market would help cut America’s unemployment rate, by making it easier for people to move to where jobs are. But more must be done to stop high joblessness becoming entrenched. Payroll-tax cuts and credits to reduce the cost of hiring would help. (The health-care reform, alas, does the opposite, at least for small businesses.) Politicians will also have to think harder about training schemes, because some workers lack the skills that new jobs require.
Americans are used to great distances. The sooner they, and their politicians, accept that the road to recovery will be a long one, the faster they will get there.
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| 译文： |
我们走出困境了吗？
相比于以往多数经济衰退过后的情景来讲，美国此次复苏的道路将更为漫长；然而政府可以有所作为。
“美利坚，子欲何往？”凯鲁亚克 在半个世纪前代表“垮掉的一代”提出了这样一个疑问；如今，这个悬而未决的问题成为全球经济中最大的未知数。这是美国选民最担心的事情。而且，11月2日国会中期选举在即，全国失业率仍僵滞在近10%，他们必须为一场漫长而艰辛的旅途做好准备。
二十世纪30年代以来，最严重的经济大衰退于一年前结束。然而，经济复苏开端不够强劲，其进程自今年初以来明显放缓。第二季度GDP年增幅仅为1.6%，并徘徊着不再上升。短暂的房产税刺激过后，房地产市场开始暴跌。私营部门新增岗位极少，因此失业率似乎不降反升。整个夏天，人们的恐惧心理不断滋长，如果经济增长依旧放缓，美国经济将再次滑向衰退的深渊。
幸运的是，这无非是些夸大其词的担忧而已 。第二季度GDP疲软的部分原因可能在于中国商品的临时性激增。八月份零售业绩相当不错，失业救济金需求降低，这些最新数据表明虽然经济依旧疲软，但止住了下滑的步伐。而且，历史现象表明，处于萌芽阶段的经济复苏通常摇摇摆摆，不太稳定，但很少会再次陷入衰退。如今，美国经济很可能以2.5%左右的速度缓慢爬升：不至于停滞不前，但想要减少失业率，这个速度还太慢。
如果说衰退过后的美国经济通常都会有所反弹，为何此次经济前景如此令人沮丧？其原因在于过去很多衰退都是由过紧的货币政策引起的。当政策放宽，需求相应回升。而此次衰退是由金融危机造成的。由于银行系统需要修复，资产负债表亟待重建，金融危机过后的经济复苏总是比较疲软和缓慢。通常，债务削减需要七年左右的时间，这就意味着美国到2014年才能走出困境。美国家庭正采取措施以超常的速度卸下他们的债务负担，但纵使是最乐观的估计者也不认为这个任务已完成了大半。
前行路上的争执
美国最大的问题在于，美国经济正经历漫长而缓慢的复苏过程，而政治家们对此却认识不清，莫说是为其带来的后果做出准备了。少数勇敢的官员已经开始发出警告：失业率可能“居高不下”。但是，政界人士讨论更多的是该把此次衰退归咎于谁，而不是提出创新方法来加快复苏。
共和党人认为，奥巴马建立“大政府 ”的政策转变导致了该次经济衰退；他们同时认为，失业率的居高不下，正是财政刺激手段糟糕透顶的佐证。事实上，迄今为止，政府大规模的投入只是暂时性的，也是不可避免的；政府的长线投资会更为适度，这也可以反映奥巴马及其前任的政策导向。此外，若说居高不下的失业率“证明了”财政刺激政策的失败，这显然是个错误的观点，因为根据衰退期的经济规律，如果没有财政刺激，经济会更加糟糕。
民主党人逃避责任的手段，则是坚持阶级战争这一说法，他们认为华尔街人士的过分贪婪导致了今天的局面，因此解决问题的方法之一是增加高收入者的赋税。正因如此，中期选举之前，奥巴马总统立法的重点，就是促使布什的减税政策在今年年底之前到期，因为该项政策的受益范围是年收入超过25万美元的家庭，而不是所有民众。
这样的做法是拿短期的经济复苏作不必要的冒险。美国1937年和日本在1997年的经历就是有力的证据，表明不合时宜的增税会轻而易举地使疲弱的经济陷入衰退。加大对高收入者的征税力度，减弱财政刺激，减少政府支出将使得缓慢的经济增长变得更加缓慢。然而，人们很少注意到，奥巴马有一项为中产阶级永久性减税的财政计划，此项计划也将使得中期预算更加糟糕。
经济引擎整修方法
理想情况下，美国这时会承诺在中期实施税制改革和必要的开支削减，以便控制预算，同时，给暂时放宽财政政策留下空间。但在狂热躁动、党派对立的华盛顿，这只是一个幻想。如今我们只能将目标定得更为实际：扶持疲软经济，减少不确定性因素，为将来关于财政刺激的辩论奠定基础。为此，国会应当将布什的减税政策持续到2013年。到那时，这些政策都将结束——在经济更加强劲的时候推进一场全面彻底的财政改革。
采取更多的系列政策，能更快地帮助解决衰退遗留下来的问题。其中一项重点是，鼓励抵押债务优先进行资产减值。几乎四分之一的美国人背负着高于他们房产价值的抵押债务。若这一现象得不到改变，取消抵押品赎回权案增多，房价下跌，两者之间会继续恶性循环。然而该问题的应对方法还是很多的，比如，修改破产法使得法官能重组抵押债务，从而授权特别委托人调低贷款账面价值。尽管这些方法都存在缺点，但抵押债务的坏账，如同水面下恶臭的垃圾，若放任不管，则会像日本给僵尸公司 提供贷款一样，腐蚀金融系统，危害经济复苏。
通过清理房产市场，人们可以更容易地找到工作，从而帮助降低美国的失业率。然而，欲控制失业率居高不下的局面，人们还须做更多工作。降低就业税和发展某些信贷以减少雇佣成文就是其中一项工作。（而医疗改革的作用恰恰相反，至少对中小企业来说。）由于一些工人缺少新工作所需要的技能，政治领导人们还须考虑提供更多的就业培训。
美国人习惯于长途跋涉。民众和政治家们若能越早地认识到复苏道路的漫长，就能越快地走出困境。
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